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  • Periodical List
  • Front Psychol
  • PMC8079816

Forepart Psychol. 2021; 12: 555667.

Making America Nifty Again? National Nostalgia's Consequence on Outgroup Perceptions

Anna Maria C. Behler

anePsychology Department, North Carolina State University, Raleigh, NC, United States

Athena Cairo

2Psychology Department, Virginia Republic University, Richmond, VA, United States

Jeffrey D. Greenish

twoPsychology Section, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA, The states

Calvin Hall

2Psychology Department, Virginia Democracy University, Richmond, VA, U.s.a.

Received 2020 April 25; Accepted 2021 Mar 5.

Data Availability Statement

The datasets presented in this study tin can exist establish in online repositories. All reported report hypotheses, measures, and methods were preregistered through the Open Scientific discipline Framework, bachelor at https://osf.io/mwh6n. De-identified data and report information can be viewed at https://osf.io/6j4gm/. Some survey measures listed in the preregistration were not analyzed in this study and therefore not listed in this report.

Abstruse

Nostalgia is a fond longing for the by that has been shown to increase feelings of pregnant, social connectedness, and cocky-continuity. Although nostalgia for personal memories provides intra- and interpersonal benefits, there may be negative consequences of grouping-based nostalgia on the perception and credence of others. The presented inquiry examined national nostalgia (a form of commonage nostalgia), and its effects on grouping identification and political attitudes in the United States. In a sample of US voters (N = 252), tendencies to feel personal and national nostalgia are associated with markedly different emotional and attitudinal profiles. Higher levels of national nostalgia predicted both positive attitudes toward President Trump and racial prejudice, though there was no testify of such relationships with personal nostalgia. National nostalgia most strongly predicted positive attitudes toward president Trump among those high in racial prejudice. Furthermore, nostalgia's positive human relationship with racial prejudice was partially mediated past perceived outgroup threat. Results from this study will help united states amend understand how the experience of national nostalgia tin influence attitudes and motivate political behavior.

Keywords: national nostalgia, prejudice, intergroup relations, emotion, political differences

Throughout Donald Trump'southward tumultuous presidential campaign and tenure, journalists and scholars sought to explicate his appeal to many American voters. In the 2016 presidential election, equally many as nine million voters who previously supported Barack Obama, the first Black president, voted for Trump despite his inflammatory race-focused rhetoric (Skelley, 2017). I concept repeatedly emerged inside these discussions as a mainstay of Trump'due south political appeal: that of nostalgia, broadly defined as a bittersweet longing for the past. Prove of Trump's appeals to an earlier time in American history have been cited from the commencement of the 2016 presidential campaign through his failed 2020 reelection entrada, ranging from the salient cornball reverie of the "Make America Not bad Again" campaign slogan (Samuelson, 2016) to more than coded political rhetoric promising White, working course Americans a return to times that have been lost (Brownstein, 2016).

Some have hypothesized that such nostalgic rhetoric may capitalize on voters' latent feelings of threat to their economic welfare, or to the racial or cultural homogeneity of American culture (Brownstein, 2016; Smeekes et al., 2020). On a broad scale, nostalgia focused on nationality is a prominent feature of right-fly populist party rhetoric, and prove from voters in the Netherlands suggests that the emphasis of stigmatizing outgroups and preserving cultural hegemony inside cornball messaging is what explains the link betwixt nostalgia and right-wing populist support (Smeekes et al., 2020). In the U.s., several studies provide stiff bear witness of a link between support for Trump and grouping prejudice. For instance, survey research has indicated that racial and anti-immigrant resentment strongly predicted voters' back up of Trump in 2016, more so even than voter'due south feelings of economic threat (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018; Schaffner et al., 2018). Additionally, a longitudinal analysis of police reports evidenced a significant increase in hate crimes reported in Trump-supporting counties in the vi months post-obit the 2016 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). However, no research has of nevertheless established whether Trump's cornball rhetoric may exist associated with voters' attitudes toward racial outgroups. To this stop, in this paper, we present show that national nostalgia, an emotion distinct from personal nostalgia, is associated with increased prejudice also as support for the populist messaging of Donald Trump.

The Sociality of Nostalgia

Nostalgia is a mostly positive emotion that increases self-regard, attenuates self-esteem defense, enhances significant in life, increases perceptions of self-continuity, and lessens feelings of existential threat (Wildschut et al., 2006; Routledge et al., 2008). Most people report experiencing nostalgia on a regular basis (Wildschut et al., 2006) and often structure their nowadays in anticipation of experiencing nostalgia in the hereafter (Cheung et al., 2020). Nostalgia is triggered in diverse ways, including by music, scents, and reflecting on by momentous events (Barrett et al., 2010; Reid et al., 2015; Sedikides et al., 2015b). This emotion also serves vital relational functions, increasing social connection and perceived social support (Sedikides et al., 2008).

The social connectedness part of nostalgia is a principal artery through which nostalgia confers positive psychological benefits. Although nostalgic memories are more than probable to be evoked while experiencing negative affect (Wildschut et al., 2006) and loneliness (Zhou et al., 2008), the content of nostalgic memories evoked during these emotional states seem to act equally a "repository" of positive affect, positive self-regard, and social connection (Sedikides et al., 2008, p. 306). The content of nostalgic memories is predominantly social, including recollections of shut others, important social events, or tangible objects reminiscent of loved ones (Wildschut et al., 2006; Batcho et al., 2008). As a outcome of this, nostalgic memories seem to indirectly regulate these positive emotions by evoking and making more salient one'due south symbolic connections with others (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). For example, nostalgia felt in response to loneliness has been shown to reduce perceptions of isolation and low social support (Zhou et al., 2008). In organizational contexts, nostalgic emotions buffer the negative effects of depression social support (due to procedural injustice) on reduced cooperation (van Dijke et al., 2015).

Chiefly, those who are more likely to experience nostalgia (i.east., those loftier in personal nostalgia) are also more motivated to control prejudicial feelings and reduce their expression of prejudices against outgroups as a result of these positive benefits (Cheung et al., 2017). Four studies of Caucasian Americans examined the links between personal nostalgia and the expression of both blatant and more subtle prejudice toward African Americans (Cheung et al., 2017). They plant that the link between personal nostalgia and prejudice reduction was mediated by feelings of empathy, suggesting that the experience of nostalgia offers advantages beyond the cocky.

National Nostalgia vs. Personal Nostalgia

The link between nostalgia and sociality becomes more complex when considering nostalgia felt for i'southward grouping. Although nostalgia felt at the private level confers both intra- and interpersonal benefits, group-based nostalgia appears to have a singled-out psychological profile from personal nostalgia. Group-based emotions, as distinct from individual-level emotions, arise when individuals self-categorize with a social group and integrate the group into their sense of self (Seger et al., 2009). Furthermore, grouping-based emotions tin differ markedly from their analogous individual level counterparts, such as when an individual might experience strong pride and happiness for their habitation squad while not feeling strong pride in themselves (Smith and Mackie, 2016). Furthermore, grouping-based emotions serve a regulatory part of strengthening positive attitudes and behavioral intentions toward both their ingroup and threatening outgroups (Smith et al., 2007; Seate and Mastro, 2015).

Group-based nostalgia—operationalized as nostalgia felt for events shared with 1's ingroup, or collective nostalgia—tin be experienced in a variety of social settings, including organizations, school classes (due east.1000., Class of 2021), cities, and nations (Wildschut et al., 2014; Smeekes, 2015; Green et al., 2021). Like individual-level nostalgia, shared memories can include notable events, such as a special performance (band or orchestra), graduation day, homecoming (college course), or sports championships (urban center). However, dissimilar private-level nostalgia, group-based nostalgia can occur in the course of a longing for a past that individuals themselves did not experience, but rather one that was passed down through collective memory (Martinovic et al., 2017). Additionally, commonage nostalgia has been shown to increase positive attitudes every bit well every bit an approach-oriented action tendency toward the ingroup relative to an individually experienced nostalgic retentiveness (Wildschut et al., 2014, Study 1). Commonage nostalgia also can increase group-oriented prosociality (e.chiliad., willingness to volunteer or donate money to assistance the ingroup; Wildschut et al., 2014; Light-green et al., 2021). Collective self-esteem mediated this issue: recalling a collective nostalgic event increased collective self-esteem, which, in turn, increased intentions to volunteer. Other inquiry has found additional ingroup benefits to collective nostalgia, such a preference for domestic (vs. foreign) consumer products (Dimitriadou et al., 2019) and a promotion of commonage political action (in Hong Kong; Cheung et al., 2017).

Still, there are two sides to this money. A preference for domestic products is also a bias against foreign products, and the promotion of commonage political action was driven by anger and contempt for the outgroup (i.east., Hong Kong residents toward mainland Chinese; Cheung et al., 2017). Individuals who recalled a commonage nostalgic retentivity (vs. an ordinary commonage memory) were more willing to punish outgroup members who were unfair to an ingroup fellow member (Wildschut et al., 2014, Written report 3). However, in some cases, commonage nostalgia might increase intergroup contact when individuals can experience collective nostalgia for a superordinate group (Martinovic et al., 2017). In a study of erstwhile Yugoslavians who had settled in Australia, Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs who identified with Yugoslavia (when these groups were bound together prior to division and subsequent conflict) reported feeling more nostalgic for Yugoslavia and reported more than contact with the indigenous groups that had resided in the former Yugoslavia (but not control ethnic groups).

National nostalgia is ane type of collective nostalgia that is felt while self-categorizing every bit a citizen of a specific state, and is likely to be associated with particular intra- and intergroup attitudes and behavioral intentions. Just as personal nostalgia during times of alter and upheaval tin can facilitate coping (e.g., attenuating loneliness) (Zhou et al., 2008), national nostalgia—a reverie for a country's expert old days—may increase felt closeness to fellow natives during times of national stress or uncertainty. However, nostalgic revelry at the national level may exclude other citizens, such as contempo immigrants or minorities (Smeekes and Jetten, 2019). Studies of national nostalgia among Dutch participants indicated that national nostalgia predicted prejudice toward religious minorities in the country (Smeekes et al., 2014) equally well equally prejudice toward Muslim countries (Smeekes, 2015). Notably, these outgroup attitudes were not predicted by personal nostalgia, which has been shown to be associated with decreased intergroup prejudice (Cheung et al., 2017). This distinction between personal and national nostalgia may lie in the extent to which outgroups pose an emotional threat to the self.

National Nostalgia and Outgroup Threat

The intergroup threat theory (Stephan et al., 1999) posits that intergroup prejudice and hostility is largely explained by perceptions of threats to ane'due south ingroup past an outgroup. In line with this theory, substantial evidence has found that intergroup prejudice is strongly influenced by both realistic and symbolic threat perception (Stephan et al., 2002; Mutz, 2018). Realistic threats are perceived threats to one'southward actual well-beingness, and typically include the domains of concrete rubber, political power, and economical security. Symbolic threats are more abstract, dealing with the cultural norms, ideologies, values, and traditions of one'southward ingroup (Stephan and Stephan, 2000). Realistic threats tend to be elicited from groups that are more economically powerful, whereas symbolic threats come up almost from marginalized outgroups who are perceived as highly dissimilar, and thus often inferior, to an ingroup (Stephan et al., 1999). Though these constructs are distinct and examined separately in the literature, there often is overlap between them, especially considering the demographic, economic, and social dynamics of some ingroups and outgroups. To be specific, when a marginalized minority grows in political, economic, or representative ability, realistic and symbolic threats can be conflated (Craig and Richeson, 2014).

One salient factor in perceived threat for members of majority groups is the size of minority outgroups, with more threat being evoked past larger outgroups (Giles, 1977; Craig and Richeson, 2018) or even through messages endorsing variety (Dover et al., 2016). In i notable fix of studies by Craig and Richeson (2014), White American participants who read that the US population was becoming more diverse (relative to control conditions)—that the per centum of whites was dropping—reported more explicit (studies 1 and 3) and implicit (studies 2a and 2b) prejudice toward non-White outgroups and pro-White attitudinal bias. One possible explanation on why national and personal nostalgia are associated with different intergroup attitudes may exist due to different levels of social categorization evoked, leading to differing levels of perceived threat. Personal nostalgia, which is associated with continuity of personal identity (Sedikides et al., 2015a) and evokes strong feelings of social connection, besides has downstream implications for reducing anxiety and hostility toward outgroup members (for a review, see Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). In contrast, feeling national nostalgia is associated with self-categorizing at the group level, evoking i'southward national identity (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015). Similar to how personal nostalgia may be evoked when feeling disconnection at the individual level, national nostalgia has been shown to be evoked in response to existential concerns about one'south group-based identity, and may have the beneficial effect of reducing feet by bolstering perceptions of group continuity and connexion (Smeekes et al., 2018). For instance, trait national nostalgia among Dutch participants was positively associated with wanting to protect national ingroup identity (Smeekes, 2015). Similarly, a cantankerous-national survey across 27 countries found that existential concerns about the future of 1's land predicted increased collective nostalgia, which in turn predicted greater ingroup belonging and anti-immigrant sentiment (Smeekes et al., 2018). Nonetheless, when the presence or power of outgroups is salient (e.g., chronically or past the rhetoric of politicians), national nostalgia may increase perceived threat. Moreover, ingroup continuity may be threatened by consideration of outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2018). This may be particularly truthful for people whose views of the national past are distorted—for example, when whites in the United States feel a longing for a (whiter and more than homogenized) by that never was. Thus, national nostalgia could increase this fearfulness of the future, leading to increased prejudice.

With the exception of a subsample of United states participants included in the cross-national study of Smeekes et al. (2018), this distinction has non been examined in the Usa. Additionally, no studies have directly examined this theorized human relationship in the context of political beliefs. Given that the tumultuous Trump years emphasized a number of political issues associated with national and ethnic identities, we extended this line of inquiry by examining whether perceived intergroup threat explains any found relationship between national nostalgia and endorsement of symbolic prejudice.

National Nostalgia and Outgroup Perceptions in the Context of Political Messaging

Recent piece of work has highlighted the prominence of national nostalgia in the rhetoric of right-wing populist political parties, and in particular its role in posing racial or national outgroups equally scapegoats for perceived economic or cultural decline (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020). Political leaders oftentimes utilize national nostalgia in rhetorical strategy by emphasizing the discontinuity between a nation's past and present (Mols and Jetten, 2014), which then serves to evoke commonage angst virtually group condition (Smeekes et al., 2018). A content analysis of speeches past right-fly populist leaders in Western Europe found consequent themes of nostalgia for their country'southward "glorious past" while denigrating the country's present, equally well as themes emphasizing that a) opponents of the political party were the cause of this aperture between by and present, and b) increasing the country's strength and opposition to party opponents would return the nation to its one-time glory (Mols and Jetten, 2014). Past emphasizing collective identity aperture, and then highlighting a potential scapegoat to blame for that aperture, populist leaders offer listeners an outlet for restoring psychological well-being past denigrating the outgroups believed to exist responsible (Smeekes et al., 2018). Indeed, national nostalgia has been shown to explicate support for right-wing populist policies and leaders via the denigration of immigrant and racial outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2020).

Similarly, the office of intergroup relations was a potent focus of Donald Trump's 2016 and 2020 presidential campaign rhetoric1. In the 2016 campaign, Trump borrowed Ronald Reagan's 1980 slogan, "Brand America Not bad Once more," and emphasized claims that the U.s.a. had deteriorated from its sometime condition. Along with these statements, he made numerous controversial statements on race, implying that irresolute demographics were, in function, to blame for this pass up (Pettigrew, 2017). This led political pundits to merits that Trump's supporters were primarily White Americans who felt threatened past changing racial demographics and nostalgic for a past, whiter version of the United States. Get out polls from the 2016 presidential election appeared to support some of these claims, every bit White voters were the only racial demographic to support Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton, doing so by a large margin of xx pct points (CNN, 2016)2. Furthermore, several bookish studies conducted in the wake of the 2016 election further supported the notion that intergroup attitudes played an important role in voters' choice to support Trump. Surveys conducted with representative panels found that back up for Trump was virtually strongly predicted by negative attitudes toward the increased proportion of non-White Usa citizens in the population and anti-globalization attitudes (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Major et al., 2018; Mutz, 2018).

To build upon this research, the aim of our study was to directly examine how voters' propensity to experience national nostalgia may explain support for Trump's populist rhetoric too as increases in racial prejudice in the United states of america following the 2016 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). Furthermore, we hoped to highlight the unique role of perceived realistic and symbolic threats in shaping US voters' political attitudes. Nosotros thought it appropriate to examine both realistic and symbolic threats given the unique part of Black Americans in United States history and the ever-evolving racial and ethnic demographics of the U.s., of which White Americans are becoming less of a bulk (Usa Census Agency, 2020).

The Current Study

Nosotros examined the role of national nostalgia in propagating intergroup racial hostility in a higher place and beyond political orientation. We explored how national nostalgia relates to political and racial attitudes among voters who participated in the 2016 United states of america presidential ballot. We also examined the interplay between national nostalgia, pro-Trump attitudes, outgroup prejudice, and perceived outgroup threat.

Although previous research examined survey information taken effectually the fourth dimension of the 2016 presidential race (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018), our data were collected ~1 yr subsequently the election, assuasive us to see how our participants felt afterward President Trump had been in office for some fourth dimension, and whether the nostalgic message of "Making America Great Once again" still resonated with voters. Minimal work on national nostalgia has been conducted, and to appointment, nearly all of this work has been conducted outside of the The states; thus, this research would explore the potential link between national nostalgia and political attitudes as well as study the miracle in the US sociopolitical landscape. In addition, we included a validated measure of personal nostalgia in order to better examine the association betwixt personal and national nostalgia besides as to appraise whether each type of nostalgia might be associated with political attitudes.

Hypotheses

We tested one specific hypothesis and three exploratory research questions, which were pre-registered on Open up Science Framework (https://osf.io/mwh6n).

Hypothesis one. National nostalgia would be positively related to pro-Trump attitudes (1a). No human relationship was expected to exist found between personal nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump (1b).

Research Question 1. Volition White or Republican identity be positively related to pro-Trump attitudes?

Research Question 2. Will national nostalgia be positively related to racial prejudice?

Research Question 3. Volition the human relationship betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice exist mediated past increased threat sensitivity?

Method

Participants

An a priori power analysis using Grand*Power (Faul et al., 2009) indicated a minimum of 132 individuals would be needed to observe a small correlation of r = 0.093 with 95% power and α = 0.05. Nosotros recruited 252 The states citizens who voted in the 2016 presidential ballot and identified as either White or Blackness (57.9% female, and 54.iv% White). Participant age ranged from eighteen to 79 (K = 36.34, SD = 12.68). Regarding political affiliation, 44.0% of the participants identified as Democrats, 25.four% Independent, 23.iv% Republican, and vii.2% as Other. Participants were recruited through Amazon MTurk (www.mturk.com) during the Fall of 2017 and compensated $0.thirty for completing the survey.

Regarding our sample demographics, White individuals comprised approximately 74% of the electorate in the 2016 ballot (Pew Research Center, 2018); still, we purposefully oversampled Blackness voters for the purposes of achieving advisable statistical ability for our analyses. Additionally, Republicans comprised ~31% of the electorate, with Democrats and Independents making up 35 and 34%, respectively. Thus, we experience that our sample is an accurate reflection of the 2016 US voters.

Measures

Personal Nostalgia

The Southampton Nostalgia Scale (SNS; Routledge et al., 2008) measured personal nostalgia, operationalized every bit how frequently participants experience nostalgia and how significant participants felt nostalgic experiences were to them. The scale included 7 items (eastward.thousand., "How valuable is nostalgia for you?") rated from one (Not at all) to 7 (Very much). To build on by national nostalgia research (Smeekes et al., 2014), we use a validated measure of personal nostalgia (proneness to feeling personal nostalgia).

National Nostalgia

The National Nostalgia Scale (NNS; Smeekes et al., 2014, Study 1) measured participants' propensity to experience nostalgia on the basis of ane's national ingroup membership. The calibration included four items rated from 1 (Very rarely) to five (Very frequently) scale. The NNS used in this study was modified from the scale of Smeekes and Verkuyten (2015)four to reflect American nationality [eastward.g., "How often practice you long for the America (Netherlands) of the by?"].

Positive Attitudes Toward Trump

In terms of political attitudes, nosotros wanted to assess positive sentiment toward the President as related to the experience of nostalgia. Therefore, we used a modified version of the State Functions of Nostalgia Scale (SFN; Hepper et al., 2012), which measures the extent to which nostalgia confers the positive benefits of social connectedness, well-being, self-regard, and overall positive affect. Each detail was modified to assess how participants experienced these benefits equally they related to Donald Trump's presidency. This scale consisted of 16 items (e.g., "Thinking most the election of Donald Trump makes me feel protected/happy/life is worth living"), that were rated on a 1 (Not at all) to v (Extremely) calibration.

Outgroup Threat Perception

The Realistic Threat Scale (RTS; Stephan et al., 2002) was employed to measure realistic threat perceptions (eastward.grand., of social or economic harm) of Blackness individuals. The scale was examined just among White participants. The measure includes 12 items (e.g., "African Americans concur too many positions of ability and responsibility in this country") rated on a 1 (Strongly disagree) to seven (Strongly agree) scale.

Racial Prejudice

The Symbolic Racism Calibration (SRS; Henry and Sears, 2002) was used to assess cognitive and affective dimensions of racial prejudice toward Black individuals. The measure consisted of eight items (due east.grand., "It's really a affair of some people not trying hard enough; if Blacks would merely try harder they could be just as well off as Whites.") rated on a one (Strongly disagree) to 4 (Strongly agree) scale.

Political Measures

Participants reported their political orientation on a scale ranging from ane (Very Liberal) to 7 (Very Conservative). Participants likewise chose which political party they about strongly identified with (Democrat, Republican, Independent, or Other). Participants then indicated which political candidate they voted for in the 2016 presidential election (Hillary Clinton, Donald Trump, or Other). They then responded to the question "How much do yous feel like we need to 'Make America Great Once more'?" on a 1 (Non at all) to 7 (Extremely) scale. Finally, participants reported their country of origin and whether English language was their native language.

Ethnic Identity Salience

The Multi-Ethnic Identity Measure—Revised (MEIM-R; Phinney and Ong, 2007) was used to decide the centrality of participants' racial/indigenous backgrounds to their sense of self. The scale contains such equally "I have a strong sense of belonging to my ethnic group," and each item was rated on a scale of i (Strongly disagree) to 5 (Strongly concord) scale.

Demographics

Participants last reported their gender, age, and racial identity.

Procedure

Participants signed upward through Amazon Mturk to complete an online survey about their attitudes toward the by, race, and politics. After indicating their informed consent, participants responded to all study measures and items in the society described above. All responses were nerveless over a unmarried, 1 week flow in the Fall of 2017 to avert history artifacts in the data. Additionally, all participants passed attention checks ensuring that they were properly attending to questionnaire items. For the purposes of this survey, missing more than than two attention cheque items indicated bereft attention and warranted non-inclusion of that participant's data.

Results

Descriptive statistics and aught-order correlations are displayed in Table ane. To test our hypotheses, we conducted a series of hierarchical linear regression models and bootstrapped mediation and moderation analyses to assess the human relationship between nostalgia (national and personal) and political and intergroup attitudes using SPSS v. 20 and Hayes' PROCESS macro 5.iii (Hayes, 2013). Post-obit these baseline models, we also back up our findings using path analyses employing maximum likelihood interpretation using IBM AMOS v. 26 (Due to a computer error, the national nostalgia information from 72 participants were unusable, reducing the n for analyses including national nostalgia to 193, however in a higher place the target based on the ability analysis).

Table ane

Descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations amongst study variables.

Variable 1 ii 3 4 5 6 7 8 ix 10 12 thirteen 14 M/Percentage SD
1 Indigenous/Racial Identity Salience 0.91 3.38 0.92
2 Personal Nostalgia 0.15** 0.92 four.85 1.xix
three National Nostalgia 0.18** 0.32*** 0.90 2.85 1.16
4 Pro-Trump Attitudes 0.24*** 0.08 0.49*** 0.97 2.62 one.41
five Outgroup Threat Perception 0.07 −0.01 0.44*** 0.62*** 0.98 two.38 ane.52
half-dozen Racial Prejudice 0.08 0.07 0.47*** 0.63*** 0.63*** 0.84 0.34 0.23
7 MAGA 0.xiv** 0.02 0.52*** 0.61*** 0.54*** 0.65*** – iii.33 2.72
8 Political Orientation 0.12 0.01 0.46*** 0.59*** 0.47*** 0.66*** 0.67*** – 3.48 1.76
9 Republican 0.08 0.01 0.33*** 0.52*** 0.35*** 0.51*** 0.60*** 0.63*** – 23.4% –
10 Democrat 0.08 0.00 −0.28*** −0.35*** −0.25*** −0.38*** −0.47** −0.53*** −0.49*** – 44.0% –
11 Independent −0.15* −0.03 0.05 −0.14* −0.05 −0.05 −0.02 0.02 −0.32*** −0.52*** – 25.4% –
12 Gender −0.05 −0.thirteen* −0.07 0.18** 0.18** 0.nineteen** 0.10 0.xv* 0.05 −0.12 0.10 – 57.1% (F) –
13 Age 0.01 0.10 0.08 −0.04 −0.twenty** −0.08 0.02 0.01 −0.03 0.03 0.03 −0.03 – 36.34 12.68
14 Race 0.33*** −0.08 −0.12 −0.04 −0.07 −0.17** −0.09 −0.07 −0.04 0.20** −0.17*** −0.12 −0.17** 54.four% (EA) –

Main Hypothesis

Nosotros first assessed whether national nostalgia and personal nostalgia would be related to pro-Trump attitudes in the ways previously predicted. National nostalgia and personal nostalgia proneness were entered simultaneously in step ii of the model to place their unique relationship with attitudes toward Trump. In step 1 of the hierarchical model, political orientation significantly predicted pro-Trump attitudes such that higher conservatism was associated with more positive attitudes of Trump, β = 0.59 t(192) = 10.08, p < 0.001. In step ii of the model, national nostalgia was associated with more pro-Trump attitudes above and beyond political affiliation, β = 0.30, t(192) = iv.43, p < 0.001, supporting Hypothesis 1a. In contrast, personal nostalgia was not associated with pro-Trump attitudes above and across political orientation, β = −0.07, t(192) = −one.13, p = 0.259. Nostalgia predicted a significant proportion of variance in attitudes in a higher place and beyond political orientation, F (2, 189) = 9.90, p < 0.001, RtwoΔ = 0.06.

To examine this relationship in a consolidated path model5, Figure 1 displays Path Model 1, quantifying the relationship between national and personal nostalgia and race, political orientation, ethnic identity salience, and pro-Trump attitudes. The model fit the information somewhat weakly due to the lower sample size [χ2(1) = 23.01, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.89; RMSEA = 0.34; SRMR = 0.03]. Every bit shown in Model 1, Hypothesis 1 was again supported: national nostalgia predicted pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.24, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia was unrelated to pro-Trump attitudes (β = −0.08, p = 0.156).

An external file that holds a picture, illustration, etc. Object name is fpsyg-12-555667-g0001.jpg

Path analysis of relationships between national/personal nostalgia, ethnic identity, and pro-Trump attitudes (Model 1). Note. Path coefficients stand for standardized estimates.

Research Question ane

To assess whether there was an association betwixt race, political affiliation, and pro-Trump attitudes, we ran a 2 (Racial Identification) × 3 (Political Party Affiliation) ANOVA. Racial identification was coded with 0 = White/European-American, 1 = Black/African-American (shortened to Westward/EA and B/AA going forward). Political party affiliation was coded as 1 = Republican, 2 = Democrat, and three = Independent and were analyzed using an indicator multicategorical dissimilarity. For the purposes of this analysis, data from participants who did not identify with 1 of these three major political groups were excluded. The model included 59 Republicans (34 W/EA, 25 B/AA), 111 Democrats (48 W/EA, 63 B/AA), and 64 Independents (44 Due west/EA, 24 B/AA). The factorial model found that political party amalgamation was the only significant predictor of belongings positive attitudes toward President Trump, F (2, 228) = 47.73, p < 0.001, partial ηtwo = 0.30, with Republicans (M = 3.94, SD = ane.22) more than in favor of the president than their Autonomous (Thousand = 2.06, SD = 1.26) or Independent (Grand = 2.27, SD = 1.06) counterparts. There was no master effect of participant race (Blackness or White) on attitudes toward the President, F (i, 228) = 0.47, p = 0.57, nor was there an interaction between political party affiliation and participant race, F (2, 228) = 0.05, p = 0.96. Figure 2 displays these results.

An external file that holds a picture, illustration, etc. Object name is fpsyg-12-555667-g0002.jpg

Human relationship between political political party affiliation and pro-Trump attitudes by racial identity. Note. Fault bars represent 95% CIs around the mean for each subgroup.

To explore these results further, we examined whether ethnic identity salience, rather than race itself, may be an of import qualifying variable in explaining pro-Trump attitudes. We examined whether political party (dummy coded with Republican = 0 to compare against Democrats and Independents) interacted with race (dummy coded with W/EA = 0) to predict racial identity salience (measured by the MEIM) using Hayes' Procedure macro v. 3.iv (model ane). We conducted a bootstrapped moderation analysis with 5,000 resamples, which indicated a meaning higher-order interaction effect betwixt political affiliation and race to predict ethnic identity salience, F (2, 228) = 3.23, p = 0.041, R2Δ = 0.024. An analysis of the simple gradient effects indicated that there was a stronger deviation in indigenous identity salience amid White participants compared with Black participants. White Republicans (Yard = 3.47, SD = 0.92) reported that their racial identity was significantly more of import to them than their White Autonomous [Thousand = 3.04, SD = 0.91, b = −0.43, 95% CI = (−0.82, −0.04)] and Independent counterparts [Yard = 2.89, SD = 0.92, b = −0.59, 95% CI = (−0.98, −0.19)]; uncomplicated slope difference F (2, 228) = 4.49, p < 0.001. In contrast, no meaning difference in racial identity salience was found among Black/African-American participants; simple gradient deviation F (ii, 228) = 0.63, p = 0.537. In fact, an analysis of the elementary main outcome of race among Republicans indicated that White Republicans felt their racial identity was equally every bit important to them as Black participants; M = 3.73, SD = 0.83, b = 0.24, 95% CI = (−0.16, 0.63). Black Democrats [b = 0.sixty, 95% CI = (0.37, 0.83)] and Black Independents (b = 0.97, 95% CI = (0.57, i.36)] reported significantly higher ethnic identity salience compared with White Democrats and Independents (see Figure three).

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Racial identity salience amid Black/African-American and White/European-American participants of different political affiliations (Republican, Democrat, Independent). Note. Error bars stand for 95% CIs around the hateful for each subgroup.

We also examined whether racial identity salience qualified the human relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. A moderation assay using Hayes' Process macro (model 1) indicated that higher racial identity salience somewhat strengthened the relationship betwixt national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump, simply only among White participants; ΔR 2 = 0.03, F (i, 77) = 3.94, p = 0.051. Among those depression in racial identity salience, national nostalgia was unrelated to attitudes toward Trump; b = 0.27, 95% CI = (−0.03, 0.58). Those moderate [b = 0.43, 95% CI = (0.xviii, 70)] and high [b = 0.64, 95% CI = (0.31, 0.97)] in racial identity salience showed a strong relationship betwixt national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes.

As a concluding exam of Research Question 1, a 2nd path model (Path Model 2, Effigy four) was compared with Path Model 1 to again examine the interaction betwixt nostalgia and ethnic identity (on pro-Trump attitudes), and the interaction between political orientation and race (assessing its human relationship with ethnic identity). When interpreting this model, it is of import to note that path models are generally considered ineffective in examining interaction effects (Meyers et al., 2016). Path Model 2 showed much improved fit relative to Path Model 1 [χ2(x) = forty.47, p < 0.001, CFI = 0.95, RMSEA = 0.09half-dozen; SRMR = 0.05]. Likely due to the limitations of path models to compute interaction furnishings, in contrast to what was shown in the PROCESS model, the interaction between race and political orientation (measured on a continuous calibration) was not significantly associated with ethnic identity (β = −0.08, p = 0.210). Additionally, the interaction term between national nostalgia and ethnic identity was no longer associated with pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.xiii, p = 0.607). This suggests that for White participants, greater national nostalgia was associated with increased ethnic identity.

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Path assay estimating interaction furnishings (race × political orientation and ethnic identity × nostalgia) on pro-Trump attitudes. Note. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates.

Research Question 2

We side by side examined whether national nostalgia was positively related to racial prejudice. Bivariate correlations indicated that national nostalgia was positively associated with both anti-Black racial prejudice measured past the Symbolic Racism Scale (SRS) every bit well every bit perceived realistic threat measured by the Realistic Threat Scale (RTS, see Tabular array ane). To farther examine the link between national nostalgia and racial prejudice, we tested whether racial prejudice moderated the link between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump using Hayes' PROCESS macro (model one) with 5,000 resamples. A significant moderation outcome was identified. Participants reporting higher prejudice exhibited a stronger relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes; ΔR 2 = 0.05, F (1, 178) = nineteen.60, p < 0.001. Unproblematic slopes were calculated and visualized using the interActive online utility, and are presented in Figure five (McCabe et al., 2018). The relationship betwixt national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump was not-meaning at low levels of prejudice (those at least −ane SD beneath the mean of SNS). Yet, for those moderate to loftier in racial prejudice (0, +1, or +2 SDs above the mean of SNS), national nostalgia positively predicted pro-Trump attitudes (come across Figure five). Interestingly, this upshot was institute separately for both White [ΔR ii = 0.03, F (1, 77) = 5.93, p = 0.02] and Blackness participants [ΔR ii = 0.09, F (ane, 97) = 17.44, p < 0.001], only at that place was no significant iii-fashion interaction between national nostalgia, prejudice, and race (p = 0.14), so the results in Effigy 5 are displayed for all participants.

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Relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes moderated by anti-Blackness racial prejudice. Note. Plots display simple slopes at −2, −one, 0, +one, and +two SDs abroad from the mean of racial prejudice for all participants. PTCL, percentile.

Inquiry Question three

Will the relationship betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice be mediated by increased threat sensitivity?

We last examined whether the relationship betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice would be mediated by outgroup threat perception (measured by the Realistic Threat Scale, RTS). A moderated mediation model was constructed using Hayes' PROCESS macro (model eight) to assess whether the proposed mediational effect might differ between European-American and African-American participants. As shown in Figure 6, the model indicated a significant indirect effect of national nostalgia on prejudice through the mediator of perceived threat for both White/EA participants [β = 0.23, 95% CI = (0.12, 0.36)] and Black/AA participants [β = 0.22, 95% CI = (0.xiii, 0.32)]. The mediational indirect effect did not differ by participant race; β = 0.07, 95% CI = (−0.15, 0.13).

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Mediation of national nostalgia relationship with racial prejudice past outgroup threat perception, moderated by participant race.

To examine this question in the context of a path model, Path Model 3 (Effigy 7) displays the proposed relationships between national nostalgia and racial prejudice. Model 3 showed a moderate fit with the data, χ(two) = 65.80, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.79; RMSEA = 0.41; SRMR = 0.07). When accounting for political orientation, race, national nostalgia, personal nostalgia, racial threat sensitivity, and racial prejudice in a structural equation mediation model, national nostalgia direct predicted racial prejudice (β = 0.21, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia did not (β = 0.03, p = 0.581). The relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice was significantly mediated past threat sensitivity [indirect effect β = 0.18, 95% bias-corrected CI (0.10, 0.26)]. Interestingly, personal nostalgia as well showed a weak indirect outcome on national nostalgia via threat sensitivity, but in a negative direction [indirect result β = −0.07, 95% bias-corrected CI (−0.14, −0.01)]. This suggests that greater personal nostalgia may weakly predict lower racial prejudice via reduced racial threat sensitivity.

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Path assay of relationships between national/personal nostalgia and prejudice, mediated by racial threat sensitivity (Model 3). Note. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates. Indirect outcome of national nostalgia on racial prejudice through racial threat sensitivity was significant [β = 0.eighteen; 95% bias-corrected CI (0.10, 0.26)].

Discussion

In our study, national nostalgia was associated with more positive feelings about President Trump, equally well as increased perceived racial threat among White respondents. In contrast, personal nostalgia was unrelated to support for Trump or perceived racial threat. When assessed in a path model, personal nostalgia was actually associated indirectly with lower anti-Black prejudice via decreased racial threat sensitivity. These findings marshal with evidence from samples outside the U.s.a. (due east.g., Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Smeekes et al., 2020) that personal and national nostalgia are distinct experiences with unique ramifications for intergroup attitudes and relations. Though our overall finding that national nostalgia predicted Trump support could reflect a strong semantic connection between Trump and its 2016 presidential entrada slogan, it also may point to the appeal of Trump's campaign—and its right wing, populist sentiments—amid those initially decumbent to feeling national nostalgia. To better answer this question, our next analyses investigated more than closely the relationship between national nostalgia and identity.

Our showtime research question asked whether identity was associated with national nostalgia. We constitute partial evidence for this thought, as Republican participants expressed greater positive attitudes toward Trump. However, there was no testify of a relationship between race and support for the President. At outset glance, this finding does not marshal with media narratives and political polling suggesting that Trump'southward messaging appealed mostly to White voters. However, although race itself did not predict back up for the President, racial identity salience moderated the link between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. White Republicans felt more than strongly connected to their racial identity than Whites who identified as either Democrats or Independents. White Republicans also expressed significantly more positive feelings toward the President than other groups. In fact, they rated their racial identity as important equally Black participants in our sample. This is notable, as information technology evidences farther support for the influence of White identity on political attitudes (Schildkraut, 2015). As members of the bulk grouping, White individuals typically are less likely to think of themselves in terms of race than people of colour, for whom race is a more centralized component of their identity (Steck et al., 2003).

This finding suggests that the perception of demographic changes and threats to the dominant ingroup in the United States may indeed have been a critical factor in voters' choice to support Trump. Some research suggests that, in the current political climate, White Americans may increasingly identify with their Whiteness, as a result of threat resulting from shifting racial demographics (Jardina, 2019). Withal, there is an consequence of causality, as these correlational information could indicate that the perception of such a threat may increase the salience of ane's racial identity. This threat may be perceived more strongly by those for whom a White racial identity was already a more than fundamental part of their self-concept. For case, Schildkraut (2015) found that White Americans with college White identity scores, along with heightened perception of discrimination against Whites and feeling a sense of linked fate with other White Americans, were essentially more probable to politically endorse a White candidate. This suggests that the threat to White identity, along with other related constructs, may influence political attitudes and may also offer an explanation on why leaders invoking national nostalgia may be so attractive to some individuals. This blazon of rhetoric typically emphasizes collective identity discontinuity in order to foment anxiety about the state of the land while simultaneously offering a restorative outlet by identifying racial outgroups as scapegoats.

The role of intergroup attitudes was apparent when examining the relationship betwixt national nostalgia and pro-Trump support. Nosotros found that national nostalgia significantly predicted racial prejudice and that this relationship was mediated by perceived outgroup threat. Interestingly, this mediational effect was establish among both White/EA and Black/AA participants, although the lack of a meaning interaction upshot may have been due to lower ability. Additionally, we institute a stronger relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes among those who reported more prejudice toward Blackness individuals. These findings align with evidence that group emotions motivate intergroup attitudes and, in particular, outgroup derogation when outgroups are perceived to be a threat (Smith et al., 2007; Wildschut et al., 2014). In item, these findings align with converging testify that the content of collective nostalgia—what individuals perceive to be "the good quondam days" for their identity group—reflects salient sources of perceived threat (Wohl et al., 2020). This conceptual model, highlighting the content of commonage nostalgia, also explains differences between the emotional outcomes of personal and national nostalgia. Whereas, personal nostalgia enhances feelings of belonging by evoking memories of positive intrapersonal experiences in the face of ostracism or loneliness, national nostalgia may enhance belongingness by evoking positive thoughts about the "expert old days" when one's group was perceived to exist higher in status or less threatened past outgroups. It is also possible that national nostalgia, like personal nostalgia, may heighten feelings of continuity in its own way, by allowing individuals to feel connected to a time in which they believed their ingroup identity was less threatened or somehow stronger. Recent piece of work supports the notion that, analogous to personal nostalgia, enhancing feelings of self-continuity (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019), national nostalgia is linked to feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018). A study across 27 countries found that national nostalgia was associated with stronger feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018); ingroup belonging but not prejudice (outgroup rejection) appeared to mediate this link. Since relatively little research on collective nostalgia, peculiarly national nostalgia, has been undertaken, time to come work should examine these questions via multiple methods, specially longitudinal and experimental designs, which can identify whether and to what extent self-continuity is enhanced past (or itself predicts) commonage nostalgia in response to outgroup threat.

Constraint on Generalizability

These information were obtained from a cross-exclusive grouping of The states Mturk workers in the Autumn of 2017, so these results are near generalizable to American heart-aged populations (Huff and Tingley, 2015). Additionally, these considerations of intergroup threat perception and prejudice are most generalizable to White/EA and Blackness/AA social groups within the The states, and future analysis of national nostalgia should continue to assess unlike ethnicities, races, and other relevant social categories.

Futurity Directions

These findings raise the question on whether national nostalgia stems from a desire by some to go dorsum in fourth dimension, due to perceived group identity threats. Future research should employ longitudinal or experimental methods, such as manipulating identity threat, to examine whether national nostalgia arises as a defense force against perceived threats to one's ingroup. Relatedly, it is only recently that national nostalgia has been manipulated (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Wohl et al., 2020), as the majority of national nostalgia research has been at the trait level. Further work evoking national nostalgia in experimental contexts would permit u.s.a. to better understand how this emotion interacts with intergroup attitudes, prejudice, and feelings of threat. We should besides continue to examine how the importance of racial identity, including white racial identity, plays a role in their political attitudes and actual voting beliefs. The need for further research in this area has grown substantially in recent years, especially in low-cal of events such every bit those that took place in Charlottesville in 2017 and at the U.s.a. Capitol Building in early 2021, in which big groups of White Nationalists gathered in events that ultimately turned vehement.

An additional question to exist explored is the extent to which national nostalgia operates within specific cultures and nations. Although Trump'south presidential tenure has ended, the importance of these findings is not constrained merely to the rhetoric from his campaign. Rather, the utilize of national nostalgia in political advice is widespread (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020) and has far-reaching implications. Future research should examine the function of national nostalgia in shaping attitudes toward demagogues in a variety of settings and when considering a multifariousness of societal outcomes. Our findings suggest that national nostalgia may influence intergroup attitudes equally a grouping-based emotion broadly through evoking positive emotions about i'south national grouping identity. However, the nature of the construct suggests information technology may besides operate through evoking shared historical noesis and schemas about one's group within a specific nation. The phrase "make America cracking over again" and other nostalgic political rhetoric is peculiarly controversial in the US because minority groups accept accomplished significant advances in ceremonious rights in recent history, and a phone call to return to a former time may imply a phone call for a render to a former and less egalitarian social bureaucracy. Hereafter inquiry on national nostalgia should explore the nuances of this emotion and its expression amid various ethnic and social groups in dissimilar countries. Expressions of national nostalgia may evoke intergroup hostility to a lesser extent within nations with dissimilar histories.

Futurity inquiry might too examine the extent to which perceptions of outgroup threat stem from realistic (e.g., economic) vs. symbolic (east.g., social/moral) concerns. Prior research has theorized that symbolic threats (rather than realistic threats) may be more than psychologically influential on voter support for right-wing populist ideology, as concerns almost immigration and intergroup relations tend to emphasize the importance of preserving cultural homogeneity (Smeekes et al., 2020). Understanding the source and salience of perceived economic and cultural threats could help inform interventions to assuage anxiety, thus reducing prejudice toward outgroups. Finally, with the ever-evolving demographic makeup of the United states (as well as many other countries), further work in this area should include individuals who identify with other racial groups across White or Black, and should also be expanded to look at different identities such as gender, sexual orientation, religion, immigrant status, social course, education level, and nation of origin.

Coda

National nostalgia, a form of collective nostalgic experience, is a promising lens through which to analyze attitudes, such as political and prejudicial attitudes, particularly when combined with assessments of identity salience and perceived outgroup threat. Enquiry to date on national nostalgia is relatively new. Although this phenomenon has been studied elsewhere (mostly in European and Asian nations), this is the commencement study, to our knowledge, to examine the US political landscape. Personal nostalgia—a contemplative longing for 1'due south personal by—does not take the same associations with political and grouping attitudes, and merely moderately correlates with national nostalgia. In dissimilarity, national nostalgia, particularly in combination with white identity salience and outgroup threat perception, predicted both prejudice and political attitudes.

In that location may be some irony in the possibility that national nostalgia may include behavior for a past that never was; in this example, an America that was not as white as some recollect. Nevertheless, these national cornball feelings appear to be linked to important social attitudes, and thus are worthy of farther investigation.

Data Availability Argument

The datasets presented in this study tin be found in online repositories. All reported written report hypotheses, measures, and methods were preregistered through the Open Science Framework, available at https://osf.io/mwh6n. De-identified information and study information can be viewed at https://osf.io/6j4gm/. Some survey measures listed in the preregistration were non analyzed in this study and therefore not listed in this report.

Ethics Statement

The studies involving man participants were reviewed and approved by Virginia Commonwealth University IRB. The patients/participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this written report.

Author Contributions

AB, Air-conditioning, and CH compiled and submitted all documentation for IRB ethics review and OSF pre-registration. AB and AC oversaw data collection and analysis. AB wrote the first typhoon of the manuscript. All authors collectively contributed to the conception and pattern of the study and assisted with subsequent revisions.

Disharmonize of Interest

The authors declare that the enquiry was conducted in the absence of any commercial or fiscal relationships that could exist construed as a potential disharmonize of interest.

Footnotes

1We note that intergroup relations were also a salient theme in the 2020 election (e.g., the part of the Black Lives Matter movement); yet, equally our data were collected in 2017, we emphasize the 2016 election in this newspaper.

2Though a majority of all non-White voters supported Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump, the exit polls showed that the greatest differential was amongst Blackness voters, who voted in Clinton's favor by a margin of 89 to viii% (CNN, 2016). Thus, nosotros chose to utilize Blackness voters equally a comparison grouping to the Caucasian sample.

3The Pearson correlation between national nostalgia and outgroup prejudice reported by Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015, study 2).

fourThe authors would like to note that this calibration was not included in the original pre-registration, as it was published but prior to the time this study was developed. However, the decision was made prior to information collection to utilize this validated calibration as a more than straight and statistically audio way to measure the construct of national nostalgia.

5Although structural equation models are frequently used to model paths among composite variables (such every bit national and personal nostalgia), we opted to use a path model for these analyses given that our sample was non large enough to justify inclusion of all individual items in the model.

6Although RMSEA greater than 0.08 is often considered marginal fit, RMSEA has been known to go inflated with sample sizes lower than 200 (Meyers et al., 2016).

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